The amount of support being shown for Israel these days is almost embarrassing. The parade of highly-placed foreign guests and the warm reception received by Israeli statesmen abroad have not been seen for quite some time. Who hasn't come to visit lately? From the German chancellor to the leading frontrunner for the American presidency. And the secretary-general of the United Nations is on his way. A visit to Israel has become de rigueur for foreign pols. If you haven't been here, you're nowhere.
The visitors are taken, of course, to the Yad Vashem Holocaust memorial, the Western Wall and now to Sderot as well - the new national pilgrimage site. A few also pay a perfunctory visit to Ramallah; no one goes to the Gaza Strip, and they all have nothing but praise for Israel. Not a word of criticism on the occupation, on Israel's violent operations in the territories, on the siege and the starving - with the exception of a few vague remarks on the need for a solution. Israel squeezes the Sderot "informational" lemon for all it's worth.
The mix of Sderot and the Holocaust, international Islamophobia and Hamas rule in Gaza do the trick. Israel hasn't scored this kind of foreign-policy success since the days of the Oslo Accords. To judge by the declarations of our foreign guests and our hosts abroad, no other state in the world is more loved than we. A state that imposes a siege that is almost unprecedented in the world today in terms of its cruelty, that adopts an official policy of assassination, is embraced by the family of nations, if we are to judge by the words of the many statesmen who cross our doorstep. Advertisement
It is, of course, pleasant to revel in this wave of support, but it is an illusion. Public opinion in most of the countries whose leaders are heaping all that praise upon us is not joining in. Israel remains a state without approval, sometimes even outcast and despised. The world sees images from Gaza on television - in comparison, Sderot looks like a resort - and it draws its own conclusions. The natural sense of justice that dictates support for the freedom struggles of oppressed people such as the Tibetan dictates natural support for the Palestinian struggle for liberation. The fact that it is a struggle between a Palestinian David and an Israeli Goliath only adds to the story. With the exception of the U.S., the world is indeed against us, apart from its statesmen. Therefore, we must not give in to the illusion: The current bout of official support for us is not genuine.
Also not genuine is the idea that blind, unconditional friendship is friendship. The support for Israel as a just enterprise that is extended by most of the West does not mean accepting all of its caprices. A true friend of Israel, one that is sincerely concerned for its fate, is only that friend who dares to express sharp criticism of its policy of occupation, which poses the most serious risk to its future, and who also takes practical steps to end it. Most of the "friendly" statesmen do not understand this.
The stance of the European leaders is particularly perplexing. We're not speaking about the U.S., with its Jewish and Christian lobbies, but rather opinionated Europe; it, too, has lost its ability to act as an honest broker, the type that wields its influence to bring an end to the conflict that endangers it, too. We need Europe, the peace needs Europe, but official Europe covers its eyes and automatically falls in line with the U.S. and its blind support for Israel and its boycott of Gaza. Angela Merkel, who received such a royal reception here last week, did not bring up any controversial issue in her speech at the Knesset. And so, her "historic" speech turned into a hollow one.
The same behavior was displayed by her colleague in the European leadership, French President Nicolas Sarkozy, during the visit to his country of President Shimon Peres. The Israeli flags waving along the Champs-Elysees and the much-talked-about Israeli booth at the Paris Book Fair could not hide the fact that many French citizens are pained by the occupation. By not speaking about the siege on Gaza, the starvation imposed on it and the killing of hundreds of its people, Europe's leaders are not meeting their political and moral obligations. Those who believe that only honest international intervention can bring an end to the occupation find themselves desperate and disappointed. Yes, Europe, precisely that continent that carries justifiable feelings of guilt about the Jewish Holocaust, should have found another way to come to Israel's aid. Saccharine visits and sweet speeches in fact express a deep disrespect for Israel - and for European public opinion.
This blind friendship enables Israel to do whatever it wants. The days have passed in which every mobile home erected in the territories and every targeted assassination were carefully considered out of fear of international criticism. That time no longer exists. Israel has a carte blanche to kill, destroy and settle. The U.S. long ago gave up the role of honest broker, and Europe is now following in its footsteps. How depressing: With friends like these, Israel almost doesn't need enemies.
Uncritical Merkel Gets Red Carpet Treatment in Israel
By Ralf Beste, Ralf Neukirch and Christoph Schult, Der Spiegel Online
German Chancellor Angela Merkel has become Israel's staunchest ally in Europe. This week, the country has pulled out all the stops to welcome the German leader. Back home, though, many wish Merkel would finally speak up about Israeli excesses in the Gaza Strip.
German Chancellor Angela Merkel has received no lack of warm welcomes on her trips abroad. The US President invited her to his ranch in Texas, the King of Saudi Arabia presented her with a small model of an oasis, complete with golden camels, and the Emir of Abu Dhabi deeply regretted that she had no time to visit his desert tent.
But the red carpet treatment prepared for Merkel during her visit to Israel this week eclipses all previous receptions.
Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert personally met his guest at Ben Gurion Airport on Sunday -- an honor that until now he has only bestowed on George W. Bush. Merkel then helicoptered down to the Negev Desert to visit the grave of David Ben Gurion, the father of modern Israel. There, she was hosted by Israeli President Shimon Peres. On Monday, Olmert accompanied Merkel to the Holocaust memorial Yad Vashem, where foreign dignitaries normally lay a wreath alone. "The chancellor's visit has the same status as a visit by the US president," Olmert's chief of staff told an advance delegation.
On Tuesday, to congratulate Israel on the 60th anniversary of its founding, Merkel will become the first foreign head of government to have the honor of addressing the Knesset, Israel's parliament. Until now, only heads of state were granted that honor.
'Pulling Out All the Stops'
Although political visits to Israel are often enough characterized by some last-minute improvisation, this time every detail was agreed on weeks in advance. The tight timeline on Sunday, including her outing with Peres, was just the beginning. Kibbutz visits, high level government talks, and a banquet in her honor held by in the foyer of the parliament are all precisely scheduled. "They're pulling out all the stops," said a top German diplomat.
On Monday, half the German cabinet -- another first -- join their Israeli colleagues for consultations. In the future, such meetings are to take place on an annual basis, something that has only been reserved for Germany's leading European partners.
But over and above the details of the schedule, it is a visit steeped in extraordinary symbolism. Sixty-three years after the liberation of Auschwitz, the German cabinet is meeting in Jerusalem -- a milestone in the complex relations between Israelis and Germans. Pursuing a "special relationship" with the Jewish state has been a cornerstone of German policy since the days of Chancellor Konrad Adenauer in the 1950s. Many Israelis, though, have long wondered if Germany’s public avowals could really be trusted. With this historical gesture, Olmert is demonstrating that he now considers the issue settled. And he is showing that he considers Germany to be Israel's most important partner after the US.
This public demonstration of the new close relationship between the two countries represents a personal success for Merkel. The chancellor has made special solidarity with Israel the foundation of her foreign policy, on the same level as the recently rekindled friendship with the US and her critical approach to China and Russia.
It's very possible that March 17, 2008, will mark the beginning of a Merkel doctrine which says, at its core, that Israel is a close partner on good days and bad -- even when it makes mistakes. Clearly, one of the basic tenets of the chancellor's close relationship with Israel is that all public criticism of Jerusalem should be avoided.
Discussions More Effective than Criticism
When the Israeli army attacked the Gaza Strip in early March and over 120 Palestinians died, Merkel said nothing. Even the pope called for both sides to immediately cease all hostilities. And Merkel made no comment when Olmert's government announced two weeks ago -- contrary to previous promises -- that Israel would again begin expanding settlements in the occupied territories.
Even a year and a half ago, the chancellor refrained from directly displaying any unease with Israel's military operation in Lebanon. When the Israeli air force killed four UNIFIL soldiers, she merely expressed her "deep regret." Other European statesmen like France's then President Jacques Chirac vehemently condemned the incident.
In contrast to Germany's relations with China and Russia, the chancellor is convinced that heated criticism of Israel will not produce a change in policy. She feels that internal discussions are more effective. Merkel maintains that the Israeli government listens to Germany's advice because it feels that it can rely on its special European partner. This also enhances Germany’s importance in the eyes of Arab countries, say advisors to the chancellor. This summer a major conference on the Middle East will be held in Berlin to support the establishment of an independent Palestinian state.
Her pronounced close relations to the only democracy in the region give Merkel a welcome bonus effect. Due to their sympathy for the Palestinians, the Americans see most Europeans as unreliable partners in the Middle East. Anyone who stands staunchly at Israel's side gains influence in Washington.
Nevertheless, Merkel's policies remain controversial. Critics say that Germany is sacrificing its credibility among Arab countries. And even in Israel, Germany's policy of unconditional solidarity has at times been viewed with astonishment.
"It looks to me as if the chancellor defines friendship as not intervening," says Yossi Beilin, leader of Israel's dovish Meretz Party and one of the architects of the Oslo peace process in the 1990s. "That's not friendship. A real friend gets involved in the peace process."
Even Ophir Pines-Paz from the Labor Party, who is Chairman of the Knesset Interior Committee, hopes "that Germany will play a greater role in resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict." And Israeli Minister Yaakov Edri feels that "A good friend like Merkel can of course express criticism, even in a speech before the Knesset."
In Germany, it is primarily Merkel's coalition partners who are muttering about her politics. For instance, Rolf Mützenich, a Social Democrat foreign policy expert, complained that the chancellor didn't travel to Ramallah to support the moderate Palestinian government, which he says is also a "vital partner."
Mützenich is also urging a more direct approach with Jerusalem: "The chancellor should make it clear to our Israeli partners that their settlement policy is a violation of the Annapolis agreements." Mützenich was referring to an agreement reached by Israelis and Palestinians last autumn that they would avoid provocations.
His fellow party member, Martin Schulz, the head of the Social Democrat faction in the European Parliament, calls on Merkel to "speak openly among friends" about how the Palestinians are treated. "The joint cabinet session presents an opportunity for the Germans to voice criticism of the resumption of building Jewish settlements."
Jürgen Trittin, deputy leader of the Green Party's parliamentary group -- and a man who is rumored to have ambitions of one day becoming the German foreign minister -- demands criticism of Israel's treatment of the suffering people in the Gaza Strip: "You cannot criticize Hamas, rightly so, for holding the population hostage, and then put a stop to fuel deliveries yourself."
Different Avenues
Even members of Merkel's own Christian Democratic Union and its sister party the Christian Social Union, warn of a growing sense of annoyance among the Arab states. The chairman of the German-Arab parliamentary friendship group, Joachim Hörster, says that it is confusing for countries in the region when the EU sharply condemns the Israeli settlement policy while the relationship between Germany and Israel remains totally unaffected.
There has been no open criticism, however, of the chancellor's policies from her main rivals in the government. German Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier (SPD) has remained reserved. He also sees himself as a friend of the Israelis. "Germany has a special responsibility toward the state of Israel, to protect its existence and defend its right to exist," is how he put it in a speech just last week.
At the same time, Steinmeier has clearly pursued different avenues in his Middle East policies. He has initiated diplomatic contacts to Israel's archenemy Syria -- exposing himself to a storm of protest from Jerusalem and the CDU. "The idea is to reduce the number of possible troublemakers," said Steinmeier in his defense, although his efforts have remained fruitless. Damascus has lost interest in a rapprochement with the Germans.
The chancellor has not allowed herself to be put off by such criticism. She says that in addition to Israel, she maintains a good relationship with Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas. Before leaving Berlin, she spoke on the phone with Abbas to hear about the latest developments in the Israeli-Palestinian negotiations.
Cozy Evenings Drinking Red Wine
Merkel's relationship with Israel is highly influenced by her years growing up in former East Germany. The Communist government rejected all responsibility for the Holocaust and focused on Communists as being the primary victims of the Nazis. "We didn't learn until later, and I mean this very personally, what the Shoa represented in terms of an immeasurable loss to Germany and to what extent Jewish love for Germany was rejected."
Merkel's ties to Israel extend all the way into her private life. She maintains a friendly relationship with Shimon Stein, the belligerent former Israeli ambassador to Germany. They have spent a number of cozy evenings together drinking red wine. Even Merkel's husband Joachim Sauer, who usually shies away from any involvement in her political affairs, has also joined them on occasion. Stein was even a guest at Merkel's summer home north of Berlin.
As the chairwoman of the CDU, she ensured that the party’s new platform embraces Israel's right to exist "as a Jewish state." This is an important distinction for Jews in Israel who are deeply concerned about the rapidly growing Arab population. And Merkel was the first chancellor to station German soldiers in the Middle East. Since October, 2006, German navy boats have been patrolling the coast of Lebanon as part of the United Nation's UNIFIL forces. Merkel said the mission was necessary to contribute to Israel's security.
When it comes to international relations, the chancellor wants to further enhance cooperation with Israel. In response to a request from Jerusalem, joint development projects will be launched in developing countries -- even in countries in Africa and Asia that have no diplomatic relations with Israel.
It remains to be seen whether these exceptional close ties will eventually lead to a "normal" relationship between the two countries, one that naturally includes both mutual criticism and solidarity. The new Israeli ambassador in Berlin, Yoram Ben-Zeev, recently experienced just how ill at ease Germans can be on the topic of Israel when he spoke with a group of journalists in Munich. During clashes with alleged terrorists in the Gaza Strip, Israeli forces had just killed 120 Palestinians, including many civilians, but none of the reporters asked any questions about the incident.
At the end of the press conference, he addressed the issue himself. "I want to clarify that we don't need to apologize for anything." Faced with a lack of critical questions, he otherwise had no opportunity for a justification.
Translated from the German by Paul Cohen
http://www.spiegel.de/international/world/0,1518,541892,00.html
